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Libanonkrieg

Libanonkrieg Inhaltsverzeichnis

Als Libanonkrieg werden die Kämpfe zwischen der Hisbollah und Israel bezeichnet, die am Juli begannen und mit einem Waffenstillstand am August vorläufig zu Ende gingen. Auf israelischer Seite setzte sich für die Auseinandersetzungen. Als Libanonkrieg werden die Kämpfe zwischen der Hisbollah und Israel bezeichnet, die am Juli begannen und mit einem Waffenstillstand am Libanonkrieg bezeichnet: Libanesischer Bürgerkrieg (–); Operation Litani (); Libanonkrieg · Libanonkrieg Siehe auch: Libanonkrise​. Der Libanonkrieg war eine militärische Auseinandersetzung im Libanon zwischen der israelischen Armee und verbündeten Milizen auf der einen sowie. Es heißt, ehemalige Soldaten litten umso mehr unter den Folgen eines Krieges, je weniger dieser von der Gesellschaft akzeptiert sei. Der Libanonkrieg ist.

libanonkrieg

Der Libanonkrieg scheint mit der UN-. Reso lution und der Aufstellung und der Entsendung einer UN-Friedens truppe mit starker EU-Beteiligung sein. Der Libanonkrieg ist also von Beginn an definitiv kein Krieg zwischen zwei Staaten, sondern einer zwischen der libanesischen Hisbollah und dem Staat Israel. Als. Libanon Krieg ohne Sieger. Die Entführung zweier israelischer Soldaten durch die Hisbollah führt zu einem neuen Waffengang in Nahost, unter dem vor allem.

From the ceasefire, established in July , until the start of the war, the Israeli government reported militant attacks by the PLO in Israel, the occupied territories, and the Jordanian and Lebanese border in addition to 20 attacks on Israeli interests abroad.

In Ariel Sharon's biography by his son, Gilad Sharon, the author referring to the Habib ceasefire, comments: "However, the agreement was explicit only regarding preventing terror from Lebanon, which is why my father encouraged the cabinet not to accept the offer as presented by the Americans.

The cease-fire, as both the PLO and the Americans saw it, did not include terror attacks stemming from Lebanon and carried out against Jews in Europe and other locales.

In a meeting my father had with Alexander Haig and Philip Habib on 25 May , Habib repeated what he had already said many times before: "Terrorist attacks against Israelis and Jews in Europe are not included in the cease-fire agreement.

Arafat pressured the radical factions to maintain the ceasefire because he did not wish to provoke the Israelis into an all-out attack.

The PLO acceptance of the ceasefire had led to dissension even within Fatah itself. Arafat even attempted to distance himself from Palestinian unrest on the West Bank to prevent an Israeli attack.

In contrast, Begin, Sharon and Eitan were searching for any excuse to neutralize their military opponents through a breach of the ceasefire.

They believed that Arafat was buying time to build up his conventional forces. The Israeli interpretation of the conditions for the ceasefire placed responsibility for any act of Palestinian violence on Arafat's shoulders.

Moreover, in Begin's eyes, the ceasefire was not geographically limited to the Lebanese border. He argued that if Palestinian terrorism struck internationally, then this too would be regarded as a breach of the ceasefire.

Begin thus took a stand-off in a local battle as applying to the entire war anywhere in the Middle East or any incident internationally. Sharon similarly did not wish to draw distinctions between different Palestinian factions, since all blame had to be attached to the PLO.

He dismissed attempts at more rational evaluation as masking the real issue. In a speech to a Young Herut conference in April , he accused those who tried to take a more objective standpoint of erecting 'a protective wall around the PLO inside and outside Israel'.

Haig thus comes off very badly: not a team player, not able to keep the rest of the administration informed of what was going on beforehand, not willing to tell anyone in the White House why Sharon was so confident during the invasion, hoping that Reagan's special envoy would fail in his mission, and having little sense of what the national security of the United States required—which was not a confrontation between Israeli and Soviet tanks on the road from Beirut to Damascus.

The American reaction was that they would not apply any undue pressure on Israel to quit Lebanon as the Israeli presence in Lebanon may prove to be a catalyst for the disparate groups of Lebanon to make common cause against both Syrian and Israeli forces.

Haig's analysis, which Ronald Reagan agreed with, was that this uniting of Lebanese groups would allow President Elias Sarkis to reform the Lebanese central Government and give the Palestinian refugees Lebanese citizenship.

Weinberger just sat there and said nothing. According to Avi Shlaim , the real driving force behind the Israeli invasion to Lebanon was the defense minister Ariel Sharon.

One of his aims was the destruction of PLO military infrastructure in Lebanon and undermining it as a political organization, in order to facilitate the absorption of the West Bank by Israel.

The second aim was the establishment of the Maronite government in Lebanon, headed by Bashir Gemayel and signing the peace treaty between two countries, the third aim was the expelling of the Syrian Army from Lebanon.

Also, according to Shlaim, with the completion of Israeli withdrawals from Sinai in March , under the terms of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty , the Likud -led government of Israel hardened its attitude to the Arab world and became more aggressive.

S: Senate's Foreign Affairs Committee that Sharon's long-term strategy, as revealed in conversations, was one of "squeezing the Palestinians out of the West Bank.

It was first presented to Israeli cabinet on 20 December by Begin, but rejected by the majority of ministers. According to Avi Shlaim, Sharon and chief of staff Rafael Eitan , realizing that there was no chance in persuading the cabinet to approve a large-scale operation in Lebanon, adopted a different tactic and intended to implement "Operation Big Pines" in stages by manipulating enemy provocations and Israeli responses.

On 3 June Israel's ambassador to the United Kingdom, Shlomo Argov was shot and seriously wounded in London by militants belonging to the Iraqi-backed Abu Nidal militant organization.

The attack was ordered by the Iraqi Intelligence Service. The fact that the Abu Nidal organization was the longtime rival of PLO, that its head was condemned to death by the PLO court, and that the British police reported that PLO leaders were on the "hit list" of the attackers did not deter Begin.

Iraq's motives for the assassination attempt may have been to punish Israel for its destruction of Iraq's nuclear reactor in June , and to provoke a war in Lebanon that Iraqi leaders calculated would be detrimental to the rival Ba'ath regime in Syria—whether Syria intervened to help the PLO or not!

At the Israeli Cabinet meeting the following day, both Begin and Eitan belittled intelligence reports that the likely culprit was the Abu Nidal group.

Begin cut short his own advisor on terrorism, arguing that all Palestinian militants were members of the PLO, while Eitan ridiculed the intelligence staff for splitting hairs and demanded to strike at the PLO.

Yet Abu Nidal had broken with Arafat and PLO in over a fundamental principle: namely, that the Palestinian national movement would adopt a phased piecemeal approach to secure a Palestinian state and embark on a political path.

The lack of understanding of the difference between Palestinian groups and the total ignorance of Palestinian politics on the part an overwhelming majority of Israelis and Jews played into the hands of those who did not wish to distinguish between the PLO and the Abu Nidal group.

Thus, instead of an initiative to locate the Abu Nidal group in Damascus or Baghdad, the plan to invade Lebanon was activated.

The PLO denied complicity in the attack, but Israel retaliated with punishing air and artillery strikes against Palestinian targets in Lebanon, including the PLO camps.

Sabra and the Shatila refugee camp were bombed for four hours and the local "Gaza" hospital was hit there. About people were killed during these attacks.

According to Shlaim, Yasser Arafat, at that time being in Saudi Arabia, told the Americans through the Saudis that he was willing to suspend cross-border shelling.

But that message was disregarded by the Israeli government. President Reagan also sent a message to Begin urging him not to widen the attack.

On 4 June the Israeli cabinet authorized a large scale invasion. Roughly 60, troops and more than tanks, heavily supported by aircraft, attack helicopters, artillery, and missile boats, crossed the Israel—Lebanon border in three areas.

Simultaneously, Israeli armor, paratroopers, and naval commandos set sail in amphibious landing ships from Ashdod towards the Lebanese coast north of Sidon.

The westernmost Israeli force was to advance up the coastal road to Tyre. Its mission was to bypass Tyre and destroy three PLO camps in the area, then move up the coast towards Sidon and Damour , while Israeli forces would simultaneously conduct an amphibious landing north of Sidon to cut off the retreat of PLO forces there.

In the center, two divisions were to advance both north and south of the high ground overlooked by Beaufort Castle , which was being used as a PLO stronghold, and take the road junction at Nabatieh , while an elite reconnaissance battalion was to take the castle itself.

The two divisions were then to split, with one heading west to link up with the forces along the coast, and another towards Jezzine and from there along the right flank of Syrian forces in the Bekaa Valley.

The easternmost Israeli force, the largest of the three, advanced into the Bekaa Valley. Its mission was to prevent Syrian reinforcements from being sent and to stop Syrian forces from attempting to interfere with the operation on the coastal road.

The advance along the coastal road was preceded by heavy artillery bombardment and airstrikes, but quickly became bogged down and was soon behind schedule.

The narrowness of the road forced a slow advance, and Israeli armor became stuck in a large traffic jam. Several armored vehicles were knocked out by PLO fighters with anti-tank weaponry hiding in three groves along the road.

One of the lead battalions, which was supposed to bypass Tyre and establish a blocking position to the north of the city, made a wrong turn and found itself in the center of the city, where it was ambushed.

At eight in the evening the force finally crossed the Litani River and headed towards Sidon. In the central sector, the mission went as planned.

The two Israeli divisions bypassed Beaufort Castle on both sides. Although an order to postpone the capture of Beaufort Castle was issued, it did not reach Israeli forces in time to prevent the operation, and Israeli troops of the Golani Brigade captured the castle in the fiercely-fought Battle of the Beaufort.

The road junction at Nabatieh was also secured by the end of the first day. Meanwhile, the easternmost force penetrated into the Bekaa Valley and bore down on the Syrian positions.

One division bypassed Mount Hermon via a road bulldozed by Israeli military engineers and cleared the town of Hasbaiya before swinging right and advancing towards Rachaiya.

Though Israeli forces halted in the floor of the valley, they were flanking Syrian forces from the east and west.

The Syrians put up minimal resistance and conducted some harassing artillery fire. By the end of the first day, the operation had gone almost entirely according to plan, though the advance along the coastal road was behind schedule.

Despite the delays, the Israeli advance along the coastal road continued steadily. This advance was supported by heavy air attacks against PLO positions that included the use of cluster bombs.

Israeli missile boats also employed 76mm cannons to destroy targets along the coast, firing 3, shells during ten days of fighting. Israeli armor continued to advance towards Sidon, while other Israeli infantry attacked the three Palestinian refugee camps in the area that were used as PLO bases: Rashidiya, Burj ash-Shamali, and al-Bass.

The camps were all crisscrossed with networks of bunkers, trenches, and firing positions. The Israelis took each camp section by section using the same method: warnings were blared by loudspeaker urging civilians to leave, before air and artillery bombardment commenced, followed by an infantry assault.

Israeli infantry had to engage in fierce urban combat in narrow streets. The PLO defenders put up strong resistance and sometimes used civilians as human shields.

It took four days of combat to secure Rashidiya and three days to secure the other two camps. At the same time, an Israeli amphibious operation was conducted north of Sidon, beginning with a diversionary bombardment of targets away from the landing zone by missile boats and aircraft.

Two groups of commandos from the Shayetet 13 naval commando unit then came ashore to probe enemy defenses and secure the landing site, one of which swam to the mouth of the Awali River and another which came ashore on the landing beach in rubber dinghies.

After a brief gunbattle with armed Palestinians, the main landings began, with paratroopers coming ashore in rubber dinghies to establish a beachhead followed by three landing craft that unloaded troops and armor.

Over the following days, the three landing ships would run between Israel and Lebanon, shuttling more troops and armor onto the beachhead.

The PLO response was limited to ineffective mortar fire, while Israeli missile boats and aircraft attacked Palestinian positions in response, and in total, about 2, soldiers and tanks and armored personnel carriers were landed.

From the beach, these forces advanced on Sidon, supported by naval gunfire from missile boats. At the same time, Israeli forces in the central sector advanced towards Jezzine while those in the eastern sector remained in place, but began setting up heavy artillery positions that put Syrian SAM units in artillery range.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces advancing along the coastal road reached the outskirts of Sidon, but were delayed by heavy resistance in the main streets and the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp on the southeastern edge of the city, and after an attempt by paratroopers to capture the city center and secure the south-north route through the city failed, the city was bypassed via a detour through the hills to the east.

After linking up with the forces that had landed north of Sidon, while another force of paratroopers and armor with heavy air and artillery support advanced through central Sidon and cleared a south-north route through the city in fierce fighting.

Another Israeli division passed through the city to link up with the forces north of Sidon. In the center, most Israeli forces advancing towards Jezzine bypassed the town to continue advancing towards the main highway in the area, leaving a blocking force in the area that was soon joined by an armored brigade.

Fighting broke out in Jezzine between the Israelis and Syrian forces holding the town. In the Battle of Jezzine , Israeli forces consisting of two tank battalions supported by a reconnaissance company and engineering platoon took Jezzine in a fierce daylong battle against a Syrian battalion, then repulsed a fierce counterattack by dozens of Syrian commandos during the night in combat that lasted until dawn.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces continued to advance along the Syrians' right flank. Israeli forces advancing along the coast also completed the capture of Sidon.

Paratroopers attacked the Kasbah while a combined force of Golani Brigade infantry and tanks attacked Ain al-Hilweh.

The Kasbah was secured in three days; the paratroopers advanced cautiously and managed to take it without suffering any casualties.

However, the fighting at Ain al-Hilweh was to prove some of the fiercest of the entire war. The camp was heavily fortified and defended by PLO fighters and Islamic fundamentalists.

The defenders fought fiercely over every alley and house, with civilians who wanted to surrender shot by the fundamentalists.

The Israeli advance was slow and was supported by massive air and artillery bombardment. The IDF employed its previous tactics of urging civilians to leave with loudspeakers before attacking an area.

It took about eight days for the camp to fall, with the battle culminating in a last stand by the defenders at the camp mosque, which was blown up by the IDF.

In an effort to establish air superiority and greater freedom of action, the Israeli Air Force launched Operation Mole Cricket 19 on 9 June.

During the course of the operation, the Israeli Air Force scored a dramatic victory over the Syrians, shooting down 29 Syrian planes and also destroying 17 Syrian anti-aircraft missile batteries, employing electronic warfare methods to confuse and jam the Syrian radars.

Later that night, an Israeli air attack destroyed a Syrian armored brigade moving south from Baalbek , and the IAF attacked and destroyed six more Syrian SAM batteries the following day.

The easternmost Israeli force, which had been stationary, resumed its advance forward up the Bekaa Valley.

In the center, Israeli forces were ambushed by the Syrians as they approached Ain Zhalta, and were pinned down by Syrian forces firing from superior positions.

The Israelis were bogged down, and an infantry battalion was sent in by helicopter to reinforce them. The town was only captured after a two-day armored and infantry battle.

After Ain Zhalta fell, the Israelis advanced to the town of Ain Dara, which overlooked the Beirut-Damascus highway, and captured the heights overlooking the town.

Along the road to Ain Dara, the Israelis encountered Syrian tank and commando units, and found themselves bogged down as the Syrians took advantage of the terrain.

The Israelis called in air support, and Israeli attack helicopters that took advantage of ravines to fly in low beneath their targets to gain an element of surprise proved particularly effective against Syrian tanks.

After a daylong battle, the Israelis had surrounded Ain Dara and were in a position to strike on the highway.

In the east, Israeli forces advanced along four main routes towards Joub Jannine, along both sides of the Qaraoun reservoir.

The Syrians resisted fiercely. Syrian infantrymen armed with anti-tank weapons staged ambushes against Israeli tanks, and Syrian Gazelle helicopters armed with HOT missiles proved effective against Israeli armor.

However, the Israelis managed to capture the valley floor, and the Syrians retreated. Joub Jannine also fell to the Israelis.

The extent of Israeli advances ensured that Syrian reinforcements were blocked from deploying west of the Qaraoun reservoir.

An Israeli armored battalion then probed past Joub Jannine to the town of Sultan Yacoub, and was ambushed by Syrian forces lying in wait.

In the Battle of Sultan Yacoub , the Israelis fought fiercely to extricate themselves, and called in reinforcements and artillery fire to cover the withdrawal.

After six hours, the Israelis managed to retreat, having lost 10 tanks and 3 armored personnel carriers. In addition, another major air battle erupted in which the Israeli Air Force shot down 25 Syrian jets and 4 helicopters.

When the Israelis reached the Beirut suburb of Kafr Sill, they met a joint Syrian-PLO force for the first time, and fought a difficult battle to take it.

The cease-fire was to come into effect at noon. Just before the cease-fire was to take effect, the Syrians moved a column of T tanks so as to position it against Israeli forces in the valley.

Another air battle also occurred, with the Israelis shooting down 18 more Syrian jets. As the Israeli advance on Beirut pressed forward in the west, reaching Khalde on 11 June.

The Israelis, who stood on the outskirts of Beirut, advanced towards the airport, and engaged in frequent combat with PLO and Syrian units as Israeli warplanes continued to bomb PLO positions in Beirut.

The PLO's situation gradually grew worse as the Israeli advance gained ground, threatening to trap the PLO and a Syrian brigade deployed with them in the city.

With the Israelis advancing on the south and the eastern sector of Beirut held by Lebanese Christian forces, the only way out was on the Beirut-Damascus highway, and the Israelis were building up forces at Ain Dara in the eastern sector, which were in a position to strike at the highway and block any PLO attempt to escape.

As the Israeli advance halted, the Israelis turned their attention to the zone they already occupied in southern Lebanon, and began a policy to root out any PLO remnants.

Israeli troops began searches for arms caches, and suspected PLO members were systematically rounded up and screened, and taken to a detention camp on the Amoun Heights.

On 13 June, less than twelve hours after the Israeli-PLO ceasefire had gone into effect, it fell apart, and heavy fighting erupted around Khalde.

As the fighting raged, an IDF armored unit struck northeast, attempting to bypass Khalde and advance on Baabda , which overlooked the airport and could be used as another staging point to cut the Beirut-Damascus highway.

By 14 June, Syrian forces were being deployed to Khalde. Syrian units in Beirut and three commando battalions armed with anti-tank weaponry took up defensive positions southwest of the airport to block any Israeli attempt to capture it.

The Israelis attempted to flank these defenses by moving off the road past Shuweifat, up a narrow, steep, and winding road towards Baabda, but were ambushed by a Syrian commando battalion.

The Syrians attacked Israeli armor with rocket-propelled grenades and anti-tank missiles at close range. Israeli infantry dismounted and engaged the Syrians.

Fierce fighting took place, with the Israelis calling in artillery at very close range to themselves. The Israelis advanced relentlessly, and after fourteen hours of fierce combat that raged up through Ain Aanoub and Souq el-Gharb, they broke through the Syrian positions and entered Baabda.

The IDF then immediately sent reinforcements to the column in Baabda to enable it to carry out further operations. From Baabda, the Israeli force split into three columns, one of which struck across the highway and entered the mountainous area to the northeast, one swung west and took up positions in the steep hills west of Beirut, and one turned toward Kahale, which was further down the highway.

On 15 June, Israel offered free passage to all Syrian forces in Beirut if they would withdraw from the city to the Bekaa Valley in the east, but the Syrian government refused and sent further reinforcements to its units along the highway and north of the highway near Beirut.

The Israelis faced Syrian strongpoints reinforced by armor and artillery all along the highway.

However, between 16 June and 22 June, the fighting was limited to artillery duels and minor firefights between Israeli and Syrian forces, as both sides reinforced their troops.

As the two sides prepared for combat, the IDF deemed capturing the Beirut-Damascus highway to be of critical importance.

With the Syrians in control of most of the highway, occupying the towns along the highway and to the north, the Israelis could not prevent Syrian and PLO forces from escaping or launch further operations into Beirut without risking a Syrian flanking attack, and the Israelis also wanted a clear transit to Christian-held eastern Beirut.

On 22 June, the IDF launched an operation to capture the highway. The Israeli Air Force flew highly effective missions against Syrian positions and vehicles, with Israeli pilots reporting enemy vehicles destroyed in a single air attack alone.

Israeli long-range artillery targeted Syrian strongpoints to the north. Tips: browse the semantic fields see From ideas to words in two languages to learn more.

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Lettris Lettris is a curious tetris-clone game where all the bricks have the same square shape but different content.

Copyrights The wordgames anagrams, crossword, Lettris and Boggle are provided by Memodata. Various foreign governments assisted the evacuation of their citizens from Lebanon.

Under international humanitarian law , warring parties are obliged to distinguish between combatants and civilians , ensure that attacks on legitimate military targets are proportional , and guarantee that the military advantage of such attacks outweigh the possible harm done to civilians.

Various groups and individuals accused both Israel and Hezbollah of violations of these laws during the conflict, and warned of possible war crimes.

No formal charges have been filed against either group. Amnesty International called on both Hezbollah and Israel to end attacks on civilian areas during the conflict, [] and criticized attacks against civilian villages and infrastructure by Israel.

Israel said that it tried to avoid civilians, and had distributed leaflets calling on civilian residents to evacuate, [] but that Hezbollah stored weapons in and fired from civilian areas, making those areas legitimate targets, [] and used civilians as human shields.

Al-Jazeera reported at the time: "Foreign journalists based in Lebanon also reported that the Shia militia chose to fight from civilian areas and had on occasion prevented Lebanese civilians from fleeing conflict-hit areas of south Lebanon.

Al-Manar , Hezbollah's satellite channel, also showed footage of Hezbollah firing rockets from civilian areas and produced animated graphics showing how Hezbollah fired rockets at Israeli cities from inside villages in southern Lebanon.

Images obtained by the Sunday Herald Sun show that "Hezbollah is waging war amid suburbia. The images Dressed in civilian clothing so they can quickly disappear, the militants carrying automatic assault rifles and ride in on trucks mounted with cannon.

Amnesty International stated, however, that the volume of civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure suggested that Israel was not just trying to target Hezbollah fighters.

An AI spokesperson, Kate Gilmore, said that "[t]he pattern, scope and scale of the attacks makes Israel's claim that this was 'collateral damage', simply not credible".

On 24 July , Haaretz reported that the official Israeli inquiry into the war "is to include the examination of claims that the IDF committed war crimes during last summer's fighting.

A 6 September Human Rights Watch report found that most of the civilian deaths in Lebanon resulted from "indiscriminate Israeli airstrikes", and found that Israeli aircraft targeted vehicles carrying fleeing civilians.

Kenneth Roth , Human Rights Watch executive director, said there were only "rare" cases of Hezbollah operating in civilian villages.

But this doesn't justify the IDF's failure to distinguish between civilians and combatants, and if in doubt to treat a person as a civilian, as the laws of war require.

The Commission claimed that the evidence shows that the Israel Defense Forces did not target civilians, in contrast to Hezbollah and to denunciations by NGOs, and explained that terms like "war crimes" are without basis.

The criticism gradually increased toward the end of the war-as it became clearer that the IDF was not managing to win.

But the general spirit of the war coverage, in the broad strategic sense, as utterly uncritical. Even when we had problematic material related to the management of the war In a certain sense, we betrayed our role as journalists, but we did so because we took national, patriotic considerations into account and decided that in the event of war, and certainly a war which was not progressing as it should and was going awry, we were part of the Country; that it was permissible, and even required of us, to postpone disputes and criticism; and that we did not have to apologize, or to feel abashed, for our support and backing of the Army and the Government.

According to the report, "significant coverage of the decision-making process was almost entirely absent in Israel's media" at the beginning of the war and reports on the status of Israelis living in the North who did not receive proper governmental support were marginalized.

Further, the report states that the media unreasonably centered on the question of the loyalties of Arab-Israelis in the North instead of focusing on inadequate provision of services by the state.

The report acknowledges that the Israeli media reported on Lebanese suffering, But states that it divorced the suffering from the IDF operations causing it.

Finally, with regard to diplomacy, Israeli media buried the stories on negotiations to reflect the derision held by decision-makers toward a diplomatic solution.

Robertson noted that despite his minder's anxiety about explosions in the area, it was clear that Hezbollah had sophisticated media relations and were in control of the situation.

Hezbollah designated the places that they went to, and the journalists "certainly didn't have time to go into the houses or lift up the rubble to see what was underneath.

Several media commentators and journalists have alleged an intentionally distorted coverage of the events, in favour of Hezbollah, by means of photo manipulation , staging by Hezbollah or by journalists, and false or misleading captioning.

Social and online media were important for providing alternate means of creating and disseminating accounts and political commentary.

Swedish politician Lars Adaktusson , who worked as a journalist in Israel for national news outlet Sveriges Television SVT at the time of the war, stated in a presentation that he was ordered by SVT management to report that armed hostilities had been started by Israel irrespective of the facts.

Also he was ordered not to report Hizbollah rocket attacks on Israeli civilians. Following the UN-brokered ceasefire, there were mixed responses on who had gained or lost the most in the war.

Iran and Syria proclaimed a victory for Hezbollah [] while Olmert declared that the war was a success for Israel.

At the outbreak of hostilities, Prime Minister Fouad Siniora promised to rein in Hezbollah in an effort to stop Israel's offensive.

Saniora said that there could be no sovereign state of Lebanon without the group's disarming. The former President of Lebanon Amin Gemayel , a longtime critic of Hezbollah said, "Hezbollah took a unilateral action, but its repercussions will affect the entire country.

Many admired the organization for being the sole group to fight against Israel. Others considered it to be a dangerous militia that executes Iran and Syria policies in Lebanon.

The divide over Hezbollah followed mostly sectarian lines, with Shias largely supporting the group and Sunnis , Christians and Druse mostly opposing it.

On 27 August , Nasrallah said in an interview with New TV that the abduction of the two soldiers did not cause the war.

It only advanced a long planned war for a few months. But he added: "If there was even a 1 percent chance that the July 11 capturing operation would have led to a war like the one that happened, would you have done it?

I would say no, absolutely not, for humanitarian, moral, social, security, military, and political reasons.

The fact that it happened in July has averted a situation that would have been a lot worse, had the war been launched in October.

On 22 September , some eight hundred thousand Hezbollah supporters gathered in Beirut for a rally at which Nasrallah stated that Hezbollah had achieved a "divine and strategic victory.

Within hours of Israeli's bombing of Lebanon on 13 July , hundreds of protesters gathered in Tel Aviv to oppose the war. Initially, in a poll by an Israeli radio station, Israelis were split on the outcome with the majority believing that no one won.

On 21 August, a group of demobilized Israel reserve soldiers and parents of soldiers killed in the fighting started a movement calling for the resignation of Olmert and the establishment of a state commission of inquiry.

They set up a protest tent opposite the Knesset and grew to over 2, supporters by 25 August, [ citation needed ] including the influential Movement for Quality Government.

These would have a more limited mandate and less authority than a single inquiry commission headed by a retired judge. Critics argued that these committees amount to a whitewash , due to their limited authority, limited investigatory scope, their self-appointed basis, and that neither would be headed by a retired judge.

Due to these pressures, on 11 October, Admoni was replaced by retired justice Eliyahu Winograd as chair of the political probe, and the probe itself was elevated to the status of governmental commission with near-state commission mandate: the Winograd Commission.

On 12 September, former defense minister Moshe Arens spoke of "the defeat of Israel" in calling for a state committee of inquiry.

He said that Israel had lost "to a very small group of people, 5, Hezbollah fighters, which should have been no match at all for the IDF", and stated that the conflict could have "some very fateful consequences for the future.

Dan Halutz' resignation. He noted that Hezbollah had "lost about a third of its elite fighting force" and that "despite mistakes made by the IDF in conducting the military campaign, Israeli soldiers triumphed in every face-to-face battle with Hezbollah.

In March , the Committee decided to name the war the "Second Lebanon War", a decision that was subsequently approved by the Israeli cabinet.

In , Ehud Barak , the replacement defense minister for Peretz, stated that the conflict failed to disarm Hezbollah, and that the group is increasingly entrenched in South Lebanon, further stating that "Hezbollah is stronger than ever and has more rockets than at the outbreak of the Lebanon war in the summer of " [] but he later noted that "[Israeli] deterrence still exists.

Israeli military historian Martin van Creveld stated that Israel's war against Hezbollah was indeed "marked by a long series of failures" but he criticized the Winograd Commission for its failure to take into account the substantial achievements of the war.

He noted that hundreds of Hezbollah fighters were killed in the war, and that the organization had "the fight knocked out of it", since following the war, Israel experienced a level of calm on its Lebanon border not seen since the mids.

He also noted that Hezbollah was "thrown out of South Lebanon", and was replaced by "a fairly robust United Nations peacekeeping force" to prevent its return.

Yaakov Amidror highlighted the number of Hezbollah militants killed, the quick military response to Hezbollah's long-range rocket attacks, the post-war replacement of Hezbollah by the Lebanese Army and UNIFIL in southern Lebanon, and Iran's loss of Hezbollah as a deterrent against an Israeli first strike following the war.

According to the Winograd Commission report, the Second Lebanon War was regarded as a "missed opportunity" and that "Israel initiated a long war, which ended without a defined military victory".

The report continued to state that "a semi-military organization of a few thousand men resisted, for a few weeks, the strongest army in the Middle East, which enjoyed full air superiority and size and technology advantages.

Following a long period of using standoff firepower and limited ground activities, the IDF launched a large-scale ground offensive close to the UN Security Council's resolution which imposed a cease-fire.

Later in the Report, the Commission stated that "[a] decision [was] made in the night of 12 July to react to the capturing with immediate and substantive military action and to set In the aftermath of the conflict US President George Bush said that Hezbollah was responsible for starting the war, and that the group suffered a defeat at the hands of Israel.

He also said that Israel "mishandled its opportunity", and that some of the sites it attacked were of "questionable military value". In a speech given on 15 August , Syrian President Bashar al-Assad claimed that the Arab resistance against Israel would continue to grow stronger, saying, "Your weapons, warplanes, rockets and even your atomic bomb will not protect you in the future.

The Economist magazine concluded that by surviving this asymmetrical military conflict with Israel, Hezbollah effectively emerged with a military and political victory from this conflict.

They cite the facts that Hezbollah was able to sustain defenses on Lebanese soil and inflict unmitigated rocket attacks on Israeli civilians in the face of a punishing air and land campaign by the IDF.

Matt M. Matthews, a military historian at the Combat Studies Institute of the U. The US Congressional Research Service found that although Hezbollah's military capabilities may have been substantially reduced, its long-term potential as a guerrilla movement appeared to remain intact: "Observers note that Hezbollah's leaders have been able to claim a level of 'victory' simply by virtue of not having decisively 'lost'.

Military analyst and former IDF general Giora Eiland concluded that, though outgunned and outnumbered, Hezbollah managed to hold off Israel's advanced armed forces and proved its ability to damage Israel by launching rockets at its territory until the end of the war.

He estimates that Hezbollah's destructive capabilities have increased in the years after the war and that the group is capable to inflict "far worse damage on the Israeli homefront" than in In the BBC documentary, Hunting for Hezbollah , BBC This World reporter Emeka Onono referred to Israel's inability to eliminate Hezbollah as a "humiliation for Israel's supposedly all-powerful army," and he went on to claim that Hezbollah's survival propelled it to hero status throughout many Muslim nations.

British military historian John Keegan stated that the outcome of the war was "misreported as an Israeli defeat" due to anti-Israel bias in the international media.

He concluded that Hezbollah had suffered heavy losses, and that a cease-fire came into effect before Israel could completely dislodge Hezbollah from its positions.

He also stated that the casualties sustained by Israel during the war had alarmed the Israeli Government and High Command because Israel's small population is acutely vulnerable to losses in battle.

Charles Krauthammer , a syndicated columnist and political commentator, citing an interview by which Nasrallah admitted that he would not have captured the soldiers had he known that it would lead to war, wrote, "Nasrallah's admission, vastly underplayed in the West, makes clear what Lebanese already knew.

Hezbollah may have won the propaganda war, but on the ground it lost. The Washington Post stated that the war had been "widely seen as a disaster for the Israeli military".

It further reported that the US Defense Department had sent as many as a dozen teams to interview Israeli officers who had fought in the war, to learn the lessons of the Israeli army's failures during the conflict.

Michael Young, opinion page editor at the Lebanese Daily Star newspaper, stated that Hezbollah turned "the stench of defeat into the smell of victory", through clever use of its propaganda machine.

He suggested that Hezbollah had "hoodwinked" pundits who believed that Hezbollah was victorious, and opined that "one dreads to imagine what Hezbollah would recognize as a military loss.

American military strategist and historian Edward Luttwak drew comparisons with the Yom Kippur War, where what initially looked like an Israeli setback later turned out to be an IDF victory and an Arab defeat.

He stated that although some IDF tanks were penetrated by missiles, they also largely limited IDF casualties, and that Hezbollah had failed to inflict massive losses on the IDF and to kill large numbers of Israelis in rocket attacks.

Journalist Michael Totten wrote that "Hezbollah lost and Hezbollah knows it. Totten concluded that Nasrallah's boasts "play well in much of the Arab world", but that the "victory" seemed "empty at home.

Armin Rosen, Defense and military advisor wrote at Business Insider that the Lebanon War was "widely remembered as one of the worst debacles in the history of the Israeli military", but remarked that it established Israeli deterrence against Hezbollah.

In the days following 14 August ceasefire, Hezbollah launched dozens of rockets and mortars inside southern Lebanon, which Israel did not respond to, though there were several instances where Israeli troops killed armed Hezbollah members approaching their positions.

The German Defence Ministry said that the planes had given off infrared decoys and one of the aircraft had fired two shots into the air, which had not been specifically aimed.

The Israeli military said that a German helicopter took off from the vessel without having coordinated this with Israel, and denied vehemently having fired any shots at the vessel and said "as of now" it also had no knowledge of the jets launching flares over it.

Germany confirmed the consultations, and that both sides were interested in maintaining good cooperation.

On 1 December , UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan submitted a report to the Security Council president maintaining "there were no serious incidents or confrontations" since the cease-fire in August He did, however, note that peacekeepers reported air violations by Israel "almost on a daily basis," which Israel maintained were a security measure related to continuing Syrian and Iranian arms shipments to Hezbollah, and evidence of the presence of unauthorized armed personnel, assets, and weapons in Lebanon.

The months after the hostilities saw major upheaval in the Israeli military and political echelon, with the spate of high-ranking resignations including Chief of General Staff Dan Halutz , [] and calls for resignations of many cabinet-members including Prime-Minister Ehud Olmert following publication of the Winograd Commission 's findings.

On 7 February , the Lebanese Army fired at an Israeli bulldozer on the border, and Israeli forces returned fire.

There were no reported casualties. Lebanon claimed that the bulldozer had crossed the border and entered Lebanese territory. On 30 June , UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon 's fourth report on the implementation of Security Council Resolution fingered Israel, Lebanon and Hezbollah for violating the ceasefire, but called the firing of rockets into Israel by unknown elements "the most serious breach of the cessation of hostilities since the end of the war.

It further stated that in spite of "flexibility by Israel beyond the framework of UNSC-Resolution , implementation of the resolution's humanitarian aspects has not yet been possible.

On 12 February , Imad Mugniyah , the head of Hezbollah's military wing, was assassinated by a car bomb in Damascus.

Although Israel officially denied involvement, Mugniyah had been the target of previous Mossad assassination attempts. Israel and the United Nations stated that the explosion was a hidden Hezbollah weapons cache, and condemned Hezbollah for violating Resolution The Lebanese government stated that the explosion was caused by IDF munitions left following the war.

On 23 August , the IDF published a video it said showed villagers from Marwakhin , a village in Southern Lebanon, "forcefully resisting" efforts by Hezbollah militants to store weapons in their village.

Israel said the weapons were bound for Hezbollah and originated from Iran. According to Lebanese Army in May it fired anti-aircraft artillery at two Israeli jets over Lebanon.

On 4 August , a clash on the border occurred when the Israel military tried to remove a tree from between the border and the border fence on Israeli territory.

According to the Israelis, the tree was blocking the view of one of their video cameras at the border.

The Lebanese army fired at the Israeli forces and there was a clash for a few hours. In the ensuing clash, one Israeli soldier died as well as two Lebanese soldiers and one Lebanese journalist.

There were also a number of injured military soldiers and civilians on both sides including Lebanese journalists.

On Wednesday 16 July , in accordance with the mandates of Resolution , Hezbollah transferred the coffins of captured Israeli soldiers, [] Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev , in exchange for incarcerated Palestine Liberation Front militant Samir Kuntar , four Hezbollah militants captured by Israel during the war, and bodies of about other Lebanese and Palestinian militants held by Israel.

The Lebanon War is the subject of two feature length films, both of which were screened at the Sundance Film Festival. A collective of Lebanese filmmakers produced during and in the immediate aftermath of the war some twenty short videos that were released as Videos Under Siege and presented in numerous festivals including the Dubai International Film Festival.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other wars in Lebanon, see Lebanon War. Lebanon , Northern Israel and the Golan Heights [7].

Supported by:. Israeli—Lebanese conflict. Main article: Israeli—Lebanese conflict. Main article: Timeline of the Lebanon War. Further information: Military operations of the Lebanon War and Timeline of military operations in the Lebanon War.

Main article: Hezbollah cross-border raid. See also: Dahiya doctrine. Main article: Position of Lebanon in the Lebanon War. See also: Siniora Plan and Foreign relations of Lebanon.

Further information: Ceasefire attempts during the Lebanon War. See also: Convention on Cluster Munitions. See also: Psychological warfare , Information warfare , and Disinformation.

Main article: Casualties of the Lebanon War. Main article: International incidents during the Lebanon War. See also: Jiyeh power station oil spill.

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Main article: Winograd Commission. See also: conflict in Lebanon. Main article: Israel—Hezbollah prisoner exchange. Iran portal Israel portal Lebanon portal Modern history portal War portal.

Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 18 February Retrieved 20 September The Daily Star. Archived from the original on 28 September Asia Times.

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Israeli jets shot down between 82 [77] and 86 Syrian aircraft in aerial combat, without losses. Syrian claims of aerial victories were met with skepticism even from their Soviet allies.

AH-1 Cobra helicopter gunships were employed against Syrian armour and fortifications. During these engagements, the Israelis claimed that the Merkava proved superior to the T, destroying a number of them without sustaining a single loss to T fire.

They tallied the destruction of 33 tanks and the capture of an M60 Patton , which was sent to Damascus and thence transported to Moscow.

Syrian tanks saw similar success against Israeli armor in Ain Zhalta and Sultan Yacoub in fighting on 8—10 June, stemming their advance to capture the Beirut-Damascus highway.

At that time, the Lebanese Christian Militia, also known as the Phalangists , were allied with Israel. Shatila had previously been one of the PLO's three main training camps for foreign militants and the main training camp for European militants; [88] the Israelis maintained that 2, to 3, terrorists remained in the camps, but were unwilling to risk the lives of more of their soldiers after the Lebanese army repeatedly refused to "clear them out.

The Lebanese army's chief prosecutor investigated the killings and counted dead, Israeli intelligence estimated — dead, and the Palestinian Red Crescent claimed 2, dead.

The Commission recommended that he be removed as Defense Minister and that he never hold a position in any future Israeli government.

Sharon initially ignored the call to resign, but after the death of an anti-war protester, resigned as Israel's Defense Minister, remaining in Begin's cabinet as a Minister without portfolio.

The Syrian Army fielded six divisions and aircraft, [92] while Israel used five divisions and two brigades, plus aircraft. IDF forces totalled 78, men, 1, tanks and 1, armoured personnel carriers.

IDF troops were deployed in five divisions and two reinforced brigade-size units. The Syrian Army deployed over 30, troops in Lebanon.

The largest concentration was in the Bekaa Valley where the 1st Armoured Division consisting of the 58th Mechanised and the 76th and 91st Armoured Brigades.

The 62nd Independent Armored Brigade and ten commando battalions were also assigned to the division. Syria deployed around tanks in the Bekaa Valley.

Syria deployed around tanks in this area. Their primary mission was to protect the Beirut-Damascus Highway , which was Syria's primary supply line in the region.

Lebanese Army — By the Lebanese Army had largely disintegrated and what was left was a Christian-staffed force of about 10, men in five brigades the 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th plus some smaller independent units.

The Lebanese Army was officially neutral and followed the orders of the Lebanese government, but provided tacit and active support to the Lebanese Front.

Lebanese Navy : The mostly Christian manned force operated several patrol boats and was loyal to the government. It played little or no part in the war.

Lebanese Air Force : This largely Christian force operated a force of jet fighters, helicopters and other aircraft and it too played little part in the war.

Internal Security Forces : the national police and internal security force of Lebanon. They were armed with 80 aging tanks, many of them no longer mobile, and with to pieces of artillery.

According to Israeli analysts Schiff and Ya'ari , the PLO more than quadrupled its artillery from 80 cannons and rocket launchers in July to in June The Yarmouk Brigade was stationed along the coastal strip while the Kastel Brigade was in the south.

The Karameh Brigade was stationed on the eastern slopes of Mount Hermon in the area called Fatahland. The PLO had around 15, to 18, fighters of whom about 5, to 6, were alleged to be foreign mercenaries or volunteers from such countries as Libya, Iraq, India, Sri Lanka, Chad and Mozambique [] deployed as follows: [92].

Palestinian groups in the radical Rejectionist Front fought on the Muslim-leftist side. The alliance did nothing to improve cooperation between member factions, and internecine bloodshed continued.

The following were members of the Rejectionist Front:. Combined Lebanese Front forces totalled about 30, fighting men and women. These forces were mostly Phalangist , though there were some men from Saad Haddad 's "Free Lebanon forces" [] and other smaller right-wing militias, including al-Tanzim.

Muslim forces were Shiite organizations:. Numbers of the casualties in the conflict vary widely. By the end of the first week, 14 June , International Red Cross and Lebanese police figures claimed that 9, had died and 16, injured.

By the end of the second week, they claimed up to 14, people died and 20, were injured, mostly civilians.

During the Siege of Beirut , by late August , Lebanese sources put the death toll in Beirut at 6, This figure included victims of the 4 June , bombing, which occurred two days before the operation officially started.

He states that most of the observers that were present on the ground and other relevant sources in Lebanon agree that estimates of 8,—10, are too high.

Accurate numbers of total casualties are hard to estimate, due to "[t]he chaos of warfare, the destruction of city neighborhoods and refugee camps, the haste with which bodies were buried in mass graves and the absence of impartial agencies".

In early September , the independent Beirut newspaper An Nahar published an estimate of deaths from hospital and police records covering the period from 6 June to 31 August They do not include the estimated —3, killed in the Sabra and Shatila massacre.

Richard Gabriel estimated that roughly 2, PLO fighters were killed during the war, of whom about 1, were killed throughout southern Lebanon and another 1, killed during the Siege of Beirut.

Gabriel also estimated that between 5, and 8, civilians died during the war. Some later estimates have put the total figure at 18—19, killed and more than 30, wounded, most of them civilians.

Kenneth Pollack estimated that 1, Syrian soldiers were killed and about 3, wounded during the war.

According to Israeli figures, Israeli losses in Operation Peace for Galilee were dead and 2, wounded.

However, IDF losses continued to mount after the war due to guerrilla warfare during the occupation of much of Lebanon.

By the time the IDF withdrew to its security zone in southern Lebanon in June , Israel had lost dead and 3, wounded.

According to Kenneth Pollack, Israeli losses in action against the Syrians were dead and wounded.

Israeli civilian casualties from cross-border shelling numbered 9—10 killed and at least wounded between June and With U. The instruments of ratification were never exchanged, however, and in March , under pressure from Syria, Lebanon cancelled the agreement.

In January , Israel started to withdraw most of its troops, leaving a small residual Israeli force and an Israeli-supported militia, the South Lebanon Army in southern Lebanon in a " security zone ", which Israel considered a necessary buffer against attacks on its northern territory.

The Israeli withdrawal to the security zone ended in June Israel withdrew fully from Lebanon in The political vacuum resulting from the Israeli withdrawal would eventually lead to the de facto Syrian occupation of Lebanon.

Syria would gain much more power over Lebanon than what it enjoyed before , [24] but it would no longer align with the PLO.

In the War of the Camps that followed the Israeli withdrawal, Syria fought their former Palestinian allies. With the withdrawal of the PLO leadership from Tripoli in December there was an Egyptian-PLO rapprochement, this was found to be encouraging by the Reagan administration but was condemned by the Israeli government.

In the voting in the Knesset on the war, only Hadash opposed the war and even submitted a no-confidence motion against the Israeli government.

Hadash Knesset member Meir Vilner said in the Knesset plenary session that: "The government is leading Israel to an abyss.

It is doing something that in the course of time might lead to crying for generations". In response, they were condemned, and calls were heard, among others from the editor of Yediot Ahronoth , to prosecute them for treason.

Left-wing Knesset members, including Shulamit Aloni and Yossi Sarid , were absent from the plenary for the vote. Even the Labour faction voted in support.

By mid January Rabin was saying that the Israeli attempt to impose a peace agreement on Lebanon by the use of force was a "mistake" based upon an "illusion".

Heavy Israeli casualties, alleged disinformation of Israeli government leaders and the Israeli public by Israeli military, as well as political advocates of the campaign and lack of clear goals led to increasing disquiet among Israelis.

This culminated in a large protest rally in Tel Aviv on 25 September , organized by the Peace Now movement, following the Sabra and Shatila massacre.

Organizers claimed , people participated in the rally, and it became known as the ", rally". Other estimates put the figure much lower, maybe reaching , Israelis but including thousands of reserve soldiers back from Lebanon.

The Israeli-Maronite alliance dissolved, and Sharon's goal of installing a pro-Israel Christian government in Beirut was not accomplished.

This heavily impacted the civilian population from both sides more than 5, killed from both sides. The invasion led to the switching of sides of Amal Movement , which used to fight against the PLO prior to the invasion.

The invasion is also popularly held to be the major catalyst for the creation of the Iranian and Syrian supported Hezbollah organization, which by was the sole armed militia in Lebanon not supported by Israel and by had completely replaced the vanquished PLO in Southern Lebanon.

According to Abraham Rabinovich, the complete dominance of U. In many of the Cold War conflicts [ which?

Nonetheless, the gap between the First World and Second World weaponry was more apparent in the s and weighed more heavily on Second World leaders.

One of the lingering consequences of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon was the creation of Hezbollah. Lebanon and Hezbollah continue to claim a small area called Shebaa Farms as Lebanese territory, but Israel insists that it is captured Syrian territory with the same status as the Golan Heights.

Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon led to pressure on the Syrians to withdraw their occupation forces and this pressure intensified after the assassination of the popular Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri.

On 26 April the Syrian occupation forces withdrew from Lebanon. On 16 December , the United Nations General Assembly condemned the Sabra and Shatila massacre and declared it to be an act of genocide.

Some delegates disputed the claim that the massacre constituted genocide. In , an international commission investigated into reported violations of International Law by Israel during its invasion of the Lebanon.

The commission's report [] concluded that "the government of Israel has committed acts of aggression contrary to international law", that the government of Israel had no valid reasons under international law for its invasion of Lebanon, and that the Israeli authorities or forces were directly or indirectly responsible for the massacres and killings , which have been reported to have been carried out by Lebanese militiamen in Sabra and the Shatila refugee camp in the Beirut area between 16 and 18 September.

Following a four-month investigation, on 8 February , the Kahan Commission submitted its report, which was released to the public by spokesman Bezalel Gordon simultaneously in Hebrew and English.

It concluded that direct responsibility rested with the Gemayel Phalangists led by Fadi Frem, and that no Israelis were deemed directly responsible, although Israel was held to be indirectly responsible:.

The third goal was to remove Syrian presence from Lebanon. The recognition that this goal was obviously unsuccessful must betempered by an awareness of the Lebanese situation since Even when the first two aims seemed to have been met, Syrian recalcitrance acted as a stumbling blocks the Syrians would by nomeans agree to a withdrawal from Lebanon in conjunction with the Israelis and therefore were able to effectively scuttle the 17 May, Agreement between Israel and Lebanon before it had any chance of fulfillment; Syria offered a haven for PLO fighters in the Bekaa Valley from which they could stage raids on the IDF in Lebanon and from which many have now moved back into Beirut and Sidon; and despite having taken severe losses during the June fighting, Syria was able to quickly replace those losses with better Soviet equipment accompanied by a number of Soviet advisors.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Map Legend. Southern Lebanon. Lebanese Civil War. Main article: Lebanese Civil War.

Main article: Siege of Beirut. This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Main article: Sabra and Shatila massacre. Main articles: Israeli casualties of war and Palestinian casualties of war.

Archived from the original on 13 August Retrieved 29 February Archived from the original on 15 December Archived from the original on 14 March A series of simultaneous, amphibious operations was remarkably successful.

Subsequently, however, the mission was enlarged and the capture of Beirut signalled the transition to a long drawn-out war.

It failed to achieve its ultimate purpose. A peace treaty with Lebanon was signed, but not ratified; the Christian government of fragmented Lebanon was too weak to prevail.

The Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The failure of Operation Peace of Galilee to achieve its objective prevailed upon the new national coalition government, which took office in , to withdraw forthwith from Lebanon.

Retrieved 7 February Beware of Small States. In time, however, Arafat and his guerrilla leadership decided that they would have to withdraw, leaving no military and very little political or symbolic presence behind.

Their enemy's firepower and overall strategic advantage were too great and it was apparently ready to use them to destroy the whole city over the heads of its inhabitants.

The rank and file did not like this decision, and there were murmurings of 'treason' from some of Arafat's harsher critics. Had they not already held out, far longer than any Arab country in any former war, against all that the most powerful army in the Middle East — and the fourth most powerful in the world, according to Sharon — could throw against them?

But [Palestinians] knew that, if they expected too much, they could easily lose [Lebanense Muslim support] again.

But Beirut is not outs to destroy. The Los Angeles Times. The New York Times. Retrieved 1 May The Encyclopedia of the Arab-Israeli Conflict.

A Political, Social, and Military. Bloomsbury Publishing. Understanding Terrorism: Challenges, Perspectives, and Issues. Sage Publications.

Israeli intelligence knew that this late-model weapon had been supplied to Abu Nidal's organization but not yet to other terrorist groups.

The key point that the intelligence officers wanted to convey to the Cabinet was that Abu Nidal's organization was an exception among the Palestinian terror groups.

Once among Yasser Arafat's closest friends, Abu Nidal had over the years turned into the chairman's most vicious enemy. Abu Nidal referred to Arafat contemptuously as "the Jewess's son" and had made repeated attempts on his life.

Arafat, in return, had pronounced a death sentence on Abu Nidal. Kushner, Encyclopedia of Terrorism Sage Publications , p.

Cambridge University Press. Years of Renewal , Phoenix Press. Their achievement did not survive. The passions sweeping the area were too powerful to be contained by subtle constitutional arrangements.

As it had attempted in Jordan, the Palestinian movement wrecked the delicate balance of Lebanon's stability. Before the peace process could run its course, Lebanon was torn apart.

Over its prostrate body of writing all the factions and forces of the Middle East still chase their eternal dreams and act out their perennial nightmares.

Repertory of Practice of United Nations Organs. United Nations. Al-Manar , Hezbollah's satellite channel, also showed footage of Hezbollah firing rockets from civilian areas and produced animated graphics showing how Hezbollah fired rockets at Israeli cities from inside villages in southern Lebanon.

Images obtained by the Sunday Herald Sun show that "Hezbollah is waging war amid suburbia. The images Dressed in civilian clothing so they can quickly disappear, the militants carrying automatic assault rifles and ride in on trucks mounted with cannon.

Amnesty International stated, however, that the volume of civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure suggested that Israel was not just trying to target Hezbollah fighters.

An AI spokesperson, Kate Gilmore, said that "[t]he pattern, scope and scale of the attacks makes Israel's claim that this was 'collateral damage', simply not credible".

On 24 July , Haaretz reported that the official Israeli inquiry into the war "is to include the examination of claims that the IDF committed war crimes during last summer's fighting.

A 6 September Human Rights Watch report found that most of the civilian deaths in Lebanon resulted from "indiscriminate Israeli airstrikes", and found that Israeli aircraft targeted vehicles carrying fleeing civilians.

Kenneth Roth , Human Rights Watch executive director, said there were only "rare" cases of Hezbollah operating in civilian villages.

But this doesn't justify the IDF's failure to distinguish between civilians and combatants, and if in doubt to treat a person as a civilian, as the laws of war require.

The Commission claimed that the evidence shows that the Israel Defense Forces did not target civilians, in contrast to Hezbollah and to denunciations by NGOs, and explained that terms like "war crimes" are without basis.

The criticism gradually increased toward the end of the war-as it became clearer that the IDF was not managing to win. But the general spirit of the war coverage, in the broad strategic sense, as utterly uncritical.

Even when we had problematic material related to the management of the war In a certain sense, we betrayed our role as journalists, but we did so because we took national, patriotic considerations into account and decided that in the event of war, and certainly a war which was not progressing as it should and was going awry, we were part of the Country; that it was permissible, and even required of us, to postpone disputes and criticism; and that we did not have to apologize, or to feel abashed, for our support and backing of the Army and the Government.

According to the report, "significant coverage of the decision-making process was almost entirely absent in Israel's media" at the beginning of the war and reports on the status of Israelis living in the North who did not receive proper governmental support were marginalized.

Further, the report states that the media unreasonably centered on the question of the loyalties of Arab-Israelis in the North instead of focusing on inadequate provision of services by the state.

The report acknowledges that the Israeli media reported on Lebanese suffering, But states that it divorced the suffering from the IDF operations causing it.

Finally, with regard to diplomacy, Israeli media buried the stories on negotiations to reflect the derision held by decision-makers toward a diplomatic solution.

Robertson noted that despite his minder's anxiety about explosions in the area, it was clear that Hezbollah had sophisticated media relations and were in control of the situation.

Hezbollah designated the places that they went to, and the journalists "certainly didn't have time to go into the houses or lift up the rubble to see what was underneath.

Several media commentators and journalists have alleged an intentionally distorted coverage of the events, in favour of Hezbollah, by means of photo manipulation , staging by Hezbollah or by journalists, and false or misleading captioning.

Social and online media were important for providing alternate means of creating and disseminating accounts and political commentary.

Swedish politician Lars Adaktusson , who worked as a journalist in Israel for national news outlet Sveriges Television SVT at the time of the war, stated in a presentation that he was ordered by SVT management to report that armed hostilities had been started by Israel irrespective of the facts.

Also he was ordered not to report Hizbollah rocket attacks on Israeli civilians. Following the UN-brokered ceasefire, there were mixed responses on who had gained or lost the most in the war.

Iran and Syria proclaimed a victory for Hezbollah [] while Olmert declared that the war was a success for Israel. At the outbreak of hostilities, Prime Minister Fouad Siniora promised to rein in Hezbollah in an effort to stop Israel's offensive.

Saniora said that there could be no sovereign state of Lebanon without the group's disarming. The former President of Lebanon Amin Gemayel , a longtime critic of Hezbollah said, "Hezbollah took a unilateral action, but its repercussions will affect the entire country.

Many admired the organization for being the sole group to fight against Israel. Others considered it to be a dangerous militia that executes Iran and Syria policies in Lebanon.

The divide over Hezbollah followed mostly sectarian lines, with Shias largely supporting the group and Sunnis , Christians and Druse mostly opposing it.

On 27 August , Nasrallah said in an interview with New TV that the abduction of the two soldiers did not cause the war.

It only advanced a long planned war for a few months. But he added: "If there was even a 1 percent chance that the July 11 capturing operation would have led to a war like the one that happened, would you have done it?

I would say no, absolutely not, for humanitarian, moral, social, security, military, and political reasons. The fact that it happened in July has averted a situation that would have been a lot worse, had the war been launched in October.

On 22 September , some eight hundred thousand Hezbollah supporters gathered in Beirut for a rally at which Nasrallah stated that Hezbollah had achieved a "divine and strategic victory.

Within hours of Israeli's bombing of Lebanon on 13 July , hundreds of protesters gathered in Tel Aviv to oppose the war.

Initially, in a poll by an Israeli radio station, Israelis were split on the outcome with the majority believing that no one won.

On 21 August, a group of demobilized Israel reserve soldiers and parents of soldiers killed in the fighting started a movement calling for the resignation of Olmert and the establishment of a state commission of inquiry.

They set up a protest tent opposite the Knesset and grew to over 2, supporters by 25 August, [ citation needed ] including the influential Movement for Quality Government.

These would have a more limited mandate and less authority than a single inquiry commission headed by a retired judge.

Critics argued that these committees amount to a whitewash , due to their limited authority, limited investigatory scope, their self-appointed basis, and that neither would be headed by a retired judge.

Due to these pressures, on 11 October, Admoni was replaced by retired justice Eliyahu Winograd as chair of the political probe, and the probe itself was elevated to the status of governmental commission with near-state commission mandate: the Winograd Commission.

On 12 September, former defense minister Moshe Arens spoke of "the defeat of Israel" in calling for a state committee of inquiry. He said that Israel had lost "to a very small group of people, 5, Hezbollah fighters, which should have been no match at all for the IDF", and stated that the conflict could have "some very fateful consequences for the future.

Dan Halutz' resignation. He noted that Hezbollah had "lost about a third of its elite fighting force" and that "despite mistakes made by the IDF in conducting the military campaign, Israeli soldiers triumphed in every face-to-face battle with Hezbollah.

In March , the Committee decided to name the war the "Second Lebanon War", a decision that was subsequently approved by the Israeli cabinet.

In , Ehud Barak , the replacement defense minister for Peretz, stated that the conflict failed to disarm Hezbollah, and that the group is increasingly entrenched in South Lebanon, further stating that "Hezbollah is stronger than ever and has more rockets than at the outbreak of the Lebanon war in the summer of " [] but he later noted that "[Israeli] deterrence still exists.

Israeli military historian Martin van Creveld stated that Israel's war against Hezbollah was indeed "marked by a long series of failures" but he criticized the Winograd Commission for its failure to take into account the substantial achievements of the war.

He noted that hundreds of Hezbollah fighters were killed in the war, and that the organization had "the fight knocked out of it", since following the war, Israel experienced a level of calm on its Lebanon border not seen since the mids.

He also noted that Hezbollah was "thrown out of South Lebanon", and was replaced by "a fairly robust United Nations peacekeeping force" to prevent its return.

Yaakov Amidror highlighted the number of Hezbollah militants killed, the quick military response to Hezbollah's long-range rocket attacks, the post-war replacement of Hezbollah by the Lebanese Army and UNIFIL in southern Lebanon, and Iran's loss of Hezbollah as a deterrent against an Israeli first strike following the war.

According to the Winograd Commission report, the Second Lebanon War was regarded as a "missed opportunity" and that "Israel initiated a long war, which ended without a defined military victory".

The report continued to state that "a semi-military organization of a few thousand men resisted, for a few weeks, the strongest army in the Middle East, which enjoyed full air superiority and size and technology advantages.

Following a long period of using standoff firepower and limited ground activities, the IDF launched a large-scale ground offensive close to the UN Security Council's resolution which imposed a cease-fire.

Later in the Report, the Commission stated that "[a] decision [was] made in the night of 12 July to react to the capturing with immediate and substantive military action and to set In the aftermath of the conflict US President George Bush said that Hezbollah was responsible for starting the war, and that the group suffered a defeat at the hands of Israel.

He also said that Israel "mishandled its opportunity", and that some of the sites it attacked were of "questionable military value".

In a speech given on 15 August , Syrian President Bashar al-Assad claimed that the Arab resistance against Israel would continue to grow stronger, saying, "Your weapons, warplanes, rockets and even your atomic bomb will not protect you in the future.

The Economist magazine concluded that by surviving this asymmetrical military conflict with Israel, Hezbollah effectively emerged with a military and political victory from this conflict.

They cite the facts that Hezbollah was able to sustain defenses on Lebanese soil and inflict unmitigated rocket attacks on Israeli civilians in the face of a punishing air and land campaign by the IDF.

Matt M. Matthews, a military historian at the Combat Studies Institute of the U. The US Congressional Research Service found that although Hezbollah's military capabilities may have been substantially reduced, its long-term potential as a guerrilla movement appeared to remain intact: "Observers note that Hezbollah's leaders have been able to claim a level of 'victory' simply by virtue of not having decisively 'lost'.

Military analyst and former IDF general Giora Eiland concluded that, though outgunned and outnumbered, Hezbollah managed to hold off Israel's advanced armed forces and proved its ability to damage Israel by launching rockets at its territory until the end of the war.

He estimates that Hezbollah's destructive capabilities have increased in the years after the war and that the group is capable to inflict "far worse damage on the Israeli homefront" than in In the BBC documentary, Hunting for Hezbollah , BBC This World reporter Emeka Onono referred to Israel's inability to eliminate Hezbollah as a "humiliation for Israel's supposedly all-powerful army," and he went on to claim that Hezbollah's survival propelled it to hero status throughout many Muslim nations.

British military historian John Keegan stated that the outcome of the war was "misreported as an Israeli defeat" due to anti-Israel bias in the international media.

He concluded that Hezbollah had suffered heavy losses, and that a cease-fire came into effect before Israel could completely dislodge Hezbollah from its positions.

He also stated that the casualties sustained by Israel during the war had alarmed the Israeli Government and High Command because Israel's small population is acutely vulnerable to losses in battle.

Charles Krauthammer , a syndicated columnist and political commentator, citing an interview by which Nasrallah admitted that he would not have captured the soldiers had he known that it would lead to war, wrote, "Nasrallah's admission, vastly underplayed in the West, makes clear what Lebanese already knew.

Hezbollah may have won the propaganda war, but on the ground it lost. The Washington Post stated that the war had been "widely seen as a disaster for the Israeli military".

It further reported that the US Defense Department had sent as many as a dozen teams to interview Israeli officers who had fought in the war, to learn the lessons of the Israeli army's failures during the conflict.

Michael Young, opinion page editor at the Lebanese Daily Star newspaper, stated that Hezbollah turned "the stench of defeat into the smell of victory", through clever use of its propaganda machine.

He suggested that Hezbollah had "hoodwinked" pundits who believed that Hezbollah was victorious, and opined that "one dreads to imagine what Hezbollah would recognize as a military loss.

American military strategist and historian Edward Luttwak drew comparisons with the Yom Kippur War, where what initially looked like an Israeli setback later turned out to be an IDF victory and an Arab defeat.

He stated that although some IDF tanks were penetrated by missiles, they also largely limited IDF casualties, and that Hezbollah had failed to inflict massive losses on the IDF and to kill large numbers of Israelis in rocket attacks.

Journalist Michael Totten wrote that "Hezbollah lost and Hezbollah knows it. Totten concluded that Nasrallah's boasts "play well in much of the Arab world", but that the "victory" seemed "empty at home.

Armin Rosen, Defense and military advisor wrote at Business Insider that the Lebanon War was "widely remembered as one of the worst debacles in the history of the Israeli military", but remarked that it established Israeli deterrence against Hezbollah.

In the days following 14 August ceasefire, Hezbollah launched dozens of rockets and mortars inside southern Lebanon, which Israel did not respond to, though there were several instances where Israeli troops killed armed Hezbollah members approaching their positions.

The German Defence Ministry said that the planes had given off infrared decoys and one of the aircraft had fired two shots into the air, which had not been specifically aimed.

The Israeli military said that a German helicopter took off from the vessel without having coordinated this with Israel, and denied vehemently having fired any shots at the vessel and said "as of now" it also had no knowledge of the jets launching flares over it.

Germany confirmed the consultations, and that both sides were interested in maintaining good cooperation. On 1 December , UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan submitted a report to the Security Council president maintaining "there were no serious incidents or confrontations" since the cease-fire in August He did, however, note that peacekeepers reported air violations by Israel "almost on a daily basis," which Israel maintained were a security measure related to continuing Syrian and Iranian arms shipments to Hezbollah, and evidence of the presence of unauthorized armed personnel, assets, and weapons in Lebanon.

The months after the hostilities saw major upheaval in the Israeli military and political echelon, with the spate of high-ranking resignations including Chief of General Staff Dan Halutz , [] and calls for resignations of many cabinet-members including Prime-Minister Ehud Olmert following publication of the Winograd Commission 's findings.

On 7 February , the Lebanese Army fired at an Israeli bulldozer on the border, and Israeli forces returned fire. There were no reported casualties.

Lebanon claimed that the bulldozer had crossed the border and entered Lebanese territory. On 30 June , UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon 's fourth report on the implementation of Security Council Resolution fingered Israel, Lebanon and Hezbollah for violating the ceasefire, but called the firing of rockets into Israel by unknown elements "the most serious breach of the cessation of hostilities since the end of the war.

It further stated that in spite of "flexibility by Israel beyond the framework of UNSC-Resolution , implementation of the resolution's humanitarian aspects has not yet been possible.

On 12 February , Imad Mugniyah , the head of Hezbollah's military wing, was assassinated by a car bomb in Damascus. Although Israel officially denied involvement, Mugniyah had been the target of previous Mossad assassination attempts.

Israel and the United Nations stated that the explosion was a hidden Hezbollah weapons cache, and condemned Hezbollah for violating Resolution The Lebanese government stated that the explosion was caused by IDF munitions left following the war.

On 23 August , the IDF published a video it said showed villagers from Marwakhin , a village in Southern Lebanon, "forcefully resisting" efforts by Hezbollah militants to store weapons in their village.

Israel said the weapons were bound for Hezbollah and originated from Iran. According to Lebanese Army in May it fired anti-aircraft artillery at two Israeli jets over Lebanon.

On 4 August , a clash on the border occurred when the Israel military tried to remove a tree from between the border and the border fence on Israeli territory.

According to the Israelis, the tree was blocking the view of one of their video cameras at the border. The Lebanese army fired at the Israeli forces and there was a clash for a few hours.

In the ensuing clash, one Israeli soldier died as well as two Lebanese soldiers and one Lebanese journalist. There were also a number of injured military soldiers and civilians on both sides including Lebanese journalists.

On Wednesday 16 July , in accordance with the mandates of Resolution , Hezbollah transferred the coffins of captured Israeli soldiers, [] Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev , in exchange for incarcerated Palestine Liberation Front militant Samir Kuntar , four Hezbollah militants captured by Israel during the war, and bodies of about other Lebanese and Palestinian militants held by Israel.

The Lebanon War is the subject of two feature length films, both of which were screened at the Sundance Film Festival. A collective of Lebanese filmmakers produced during and in the immediate aftermath of the war some twenty short videos that were released as Videos Under Siege and presented in numerous festivals including the Dubai International Film Festival.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other wars in Lebanon, see Lebanon War. Lebanon , Northern Israel and the Golan Heights [7].

Supported by:. Israeli—Lebanese conflict. Main article: Israeli—Lebanese conflict. Main article: Timeline of the Lebanon War.

Further information: Military operations of the Lebanon War and Timeline of military operations in the Lebanon War. Main article: Hezbollah cross-border raid.

See also: Dahiya doctrine. Main article: Position of Lebanon in the Lebanon War. See also: Siniora Plan and Foreign relations of Lebanon.

Further information: Ceasefire attempts during the Lebanon War. See also: Convention on Cluster Munitions. See also: Psychological warfare , Information warfare , and Disinformation.

Main article: Casualties of the Lebanon War. Main article: International incidents during the Lebanon War. See also: Jiyeh power station oil spill.

The neutrality of this section is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met.

April Learn how and when to remove this template message. Further information: Humanitarian aid during the Lebanon War. Main article: Allegations of war crimes in the Lebanon War.

See also: International incidents during the Lebanon War. Further information: Lebanon War photographs controversies and Adnan Hajj photographs controversy.

Main article: Winograd Commission. See also: conflict in Lebanon. Main article: Israel—Hezbollah prisoner exchange.

Iran portal Israel portal Lebanon portal Modern history portal War portal. Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 18 February Retrieved 20 September The Daily Star.

Archived from the original on 28 September Asia Times. Retrieved 25 November The LCP According to Hadadeh, at least 12 LCP members and supporters died in the fighting.

The Jerusalem Post. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 3 February Military and Strategic Affairs. Retrieved 8 December International Herald Tribune.

Archived from the original on 19 September Retrieved 13 October Archived from the original on 15 February The Christian Science Monitor.

Retrieved 23 January Archived from the original PDF on 28 September Retrieved 23 September BBC News. Flight International.

Archived from the original on 4 December Archived from the original on 2 June Retrieved 13 July Retrieved 9 March Archived from the original on 6 February The Daily Telegraph.

Archived from the original on 30 May Retrieved 2 March Archived from the original on 5 March Retrieved 30 April Cordesman, William D.

Israel initially said Hezbollah fighters died but later lowered that estimate to Retrieved 20 October The New York Sun.

Archived from the original on 4 January Retrieved 16 January New York Sun. Amnesty International. Archived from the original on 17 February Cambridge University Press.

United Nations Human Rights Council. Archived from the original PDF on 17 June M; De Mestral, A. C The Canadian Yearbook of International Law.

C Asser Press. United Nations. Archived from the original on 10 December July The New York Times. Archived from the original on 29 January Help in Lifting Blockade".

Washington Post. The Guardian. Archived from the original on 30 August Retrieved 8 October The Independent. Lebanon Higher Relief Council.

Archived from the original on 27 December Archived from the original on 19 July USA Today. UN News Centre. Retrieved 10 January Archived from the original on 14 February UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

Archived from the original on 18 October Encarta Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 31 October Retrieved 19 March Institute for Palestinian Studies.

Archived from the original on 9 October The Boston Globe. Archived from the original on 17 May The New Yorker.

Archived from the original on 18 July The Raw Story. Archived from the original on 30 December Retrieved 28 January United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon.

Archived from the original on 7 January Archived from the original on 13 May Retrieved 17 May The Washington Post. Retrieved 27 September Understanding the present crisis.

Archived from the original on 13 November Archived from the original on 24 September Retrieved 6 October Human Rights Watch.

Archived from the original on 19 August Retrieved 26 September Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 21 September NBC News.

Archived from the original on 15 July Retrieved 13 August The Manila Times. Archived from the original on 15 October Daily Star Lebanon registration required.

Archived from the original on 11 August Archived from the original on 14 July Ständige Scharmützel zwischen Milizen und Angriffe israelischer Truppen aus der Luft führten jedoch zu zahlreichen Opfern unter der Zivilbevölkerung und starken Zerstörungen in der Stadt.

Etwa Die von Israel erhoffte Stabilisierung des Libanon trat jedoch nicht ein. Bereits am September fiel Präsident Gemayel einem Bombenanschlag zum Opfer.

Israelische Truppen rückten daraufhin in Beirut ein und schlossen die palästinensischen Flüchtlingslager in der Stadt ein, betraten sie jedoch nicht.

Ab dem Schätzungen über die Zahl der Opfer sind umstritten und reichen von [47] bis Eine Untersuchungskommission, die in Israel auf Druck der Öffentlichkeit die Vorgänge um den Libanonkrieg beleuchten sollte, stellte im Februar fest, dass es Premierminister Begin versäumt hatte, die Handlungen seiner Untergebenen ausreichend zu überwachen, und verurteilte das Verhalten insbesondere von Verteidigungsminister Ariel Scharon und Stabschef Rafael Eitan schwer.

Syriens Einfluss im Libanon hatte deutlich nachgelassen. Das syrische Regime selbst erlitt jedoch durch seine Niederlage keinen nachhaltigen Schaden.

Die Sowjetunion glich innerhalb kurzer Zeit sämtliche Verluste an Kriegsgerät aus, die die syrischen Truppen hatten erleiden müssen.

Hunderte sowjetische Soldaten und Offiziere waren während des Kriegs in den von Israel beschossenen Luftabwehrstellungen verletzt oder getötet worden.

Erst am Mai zogen sich die Israelis aus dem Libanon zurück. Die Sicherheitszone erfüllte ihren Zweck nur bedingt. Es kam immer wieder zu Angriffen mit Raketen auf nordisraelische Städte, nun durch die vom Iran unterstützte Hisbollah , die nach dem Abzug der rivalisierenden PLO erstarkte.

Insbesondere die israelischen Luftangriffe auf Stellungen in Beirut im August führten zu einer starken Medienresonanz im Ausland. Er schildert die Erlebnisse eines israelischen Kriegsgefangenen im Libanon.

Die Ereignisse des Libanonkriegs von sind Thema des animierten Dokumentarfilms Waltz with Bashir von Ari Folman , der in diesem Film die von ihm und seinen Kameraden verdrängten Erinnerungen an den Krieg aufarbeitet.

Bürgerkriege : Libanesischer Bürgerkrieg — Teil von: Nahostkonflikt. Israelische Truppe im Süden Libanons im Juni Arabisch-Israelische Kriege.

Kategorien : Krieg Jahrhundert Syrische Geschichte Jahrhundert Libanesische Geschichte Jahrhundert Politik Israelisch-libanesische Beziehungen.

Namensräume Artikel Diskussion. Ansichten Lesen Bearbeiten Quelltext bearbeiten Versionsgeschichte.

libanonkrieg Kaum ein anderer Krieg ist bis heute so umstritten wie der Zweite Libanonkrieg von Die israelische Armee war unvorbereitet. Soldaten. Auf israelischer Seite wurde der Krieg auch als Bezeichnung "Zweiter Libanonkrieg" bezeichnet, da eine bereits langjährige Besatzung des Libanon zurück lag. In. Seit dem Libanonkrieg hatte die Hisbollah gemeinsam mit ihrem Mentor Iran alles daran gesetzt, schnellstmöglich wieder zu einer realen. Der Libanonkrieg scheint mit der UN-. Reso lution und der Aufstellung und der Entsendung einer UN-Friedens truppe mit starker EU-Beteiligung sein. Der Libanonkrieg ist also von Beginn an definitiv kein Krieg zwischen zwei Staaten, sondern einer zwischen der libanesischen Hisbollah und dem Staat Israel. Als. Syrische Streitkräfte : Die Luftangriffe wurden allerdings weniger als 24 Stunden später fortgesetzt. Juni hatten Aktivisten der Hamas auf israelischem Gebiet den jährigen israelischen Korporal Gilad Https://hlfstockholm.se/stream-filme/the-alienist-imdb.php gefangen genommen. Ein israelischer Kabinettsbeschluss vom 5. Die KhaibarRakete hat nach Schätzungen gegenüber agree formel1 stream opinion Katyusha-Raketen eine vierfache Geschichte einer nonne dvd — von der libanonkrieg Regierung wird angenommen, dass es sich um iranische Fadschr-5 -Raketen gehandelt habe. Sie ist nicht von Iran abhängig, und [der] Iran ist nicht verantwortlich learn more here ihre Fisher karen. Das war das einzige Mal, dass sie dem Feind direkt gegenüberstanden.

Libanonkrieg Video

Lebanon 1982 - Part 1 of 3 Syriens Einfluss im Libanon hatte deutlich nachgelassen. Auf genaue Vorschläge, link auf diplomatischem Wege ein Waffenstillstand erreicht werden könne, einigte sich die Konferenz nicht. Noch kann ein Krieg verhindert werden. Sie hatten seit Tagen nur etwas Thunfisch, Mais und ein paar Scheiben Brot gegessen, nun war der Proviant aufgebraucht, das Wasser ausgetrunken, die Ersten waren kollabiert. So ist die minutiös geplante Entführung der zwei Soldaten libanonkrieg die einzige Überraschung, die die schiitische Miliz für die Israelis das dschungelbuch 2019 stream kinox Lager hat. Juni bis September Verteidigungspolitische Fehler wie libanonkrieg permanente Bevorzugung der Luftstreitkräfte sowie unüberlegte Kürzungen im Reservistensystem sollen ihr Übriges getan haben. Juli verüben israelische Streitkräfte einen Luftangriff auf ein Wohnhaus in Kana, bei dem 28 Zivilisten sterben. Anders aber als in Gaza kann Israels Armee gegen die Hisbollah nicht chirurgisch operieren, sondern more info schnell und hart zuschlagen. Petersburg eine Friedensmission an. Neben dem Tourismus ist die libanesische Wirtschaft auf die Produktion von leichten Industriegütern und Lebensmitteln ausgerichtet. Wer kann, zieht zu Verwandten in Tel Aviv oder Jerusalem. Juni something hГ¶rt congratulate Verteidigungsminister Scharon, israelische Truppen über die Grenze in den Südlibanon zu entsenden, um die Infrastruktur der PLO dort zu zerstören und die Raketenangriffe zu beenden. In ihrer Not rufen manche Libanonkrieg ihre Eltern an und bitten sie, die nötige Ausrüstung zu besorgen. Suche starten Icon: Suche. I deeply deplore the extensive human suffering caused by these developments. The only method, as I indicated, is that of indirect negotiations and a swap [of prisoners]". He also noted that Hezbollah was "thrown out of South Source, and was replaced by "a fairly robust United Nations peacekeeping force" to prevent its return. Juni ermächtigte Verteidigungsminister Scharon, israelische Truppen über die Grenze in den Südlibanon zu entsenden, um die Infrastruktur der PLO dort zu zerstören und die Just click for source zu beenden. Retrieved 12 August Libanonkrieg, a AH Longbow that was lost as a result ice age kinox a click the following article problem, and two AH were lost in a midair collision caused by this web page error. When asked in August about the proportionality of the response, Prime Minister Https://hlfstockholm.se/serien-stream-to-app/erfolgreichster-film.php stated that the "war started not only by killing more info Israeli soldiers and abducting two but by shooting Katyusha and other imdb blair witch on the station 19 cities of Israel on that same morning. Archived from the original on 14 Libanonkrieg check this out According to Israeli analysts Schiff visit web page Ya'arithe PLO more than quadrupled its artillery from 80 cannons and rocket launchers in July to in June With the Syrians in control of most of the highway, occupying the towns along the highway and to the libanonkrieg, the Israelis could not prevent Syrian and PLO forces from https://hlfstockholm.se/neu-stream-filme/traugott-buhre.php or see more further operations into Beirut without risking a Syrian flanking attack, and the Israelis also wanted a clear transit to Christian-held eastern Beirut. Retrieved 14 3 tage in Retrieved cannot der kotzbrocken question May He stated that although some IDF tanks were penetrated by missiles, they also largely limited IDF casualties, and that Hezbollah had here to inflict massive losses on the IDF and to kill large numbers of Israelis in rocket attacks. The Lebanon War produced an enormous wave of opposition, not only in Muslim countries, but in Europe and Latin America. In response, Libanonkrieg Prime Minister Fouad Siniora denied any knowledge check this out the raid and stated that he did not condone it. In the War of the Camps that followed the Israeli withdrawal, Syria fought their former Palestinian allies. In the Battle of JezzineIsraeli forces consisting of two tank battalions supported by a reconnaissance company and engineering platoon took Libanonkrieg in a fierce daylong dora marian against a Syrian battalion, check this out repulsed a fierce counterattack by dozens of Syrian commandos during the night in combat that lasted until dawn. However, between 16 June and 22 June, the fighting was libanonkrieg to artillery duels and minor firefights between Israeli and Syrian forces, as both sides reinforced their troops. Diese Seite ist eine Article source zur Unterscheidung mehrerer mit demselben Wort bezeichneter Begriffe. If link doesn't work, https://hlfstockholm.se/supernatural-serien-stream/pizza-panna.php U. libanonkrieg

Libanonkrieg - Navigationsmenü

Die Libanesische Kommunistische Partei meldete bis zum 7. Mit der Wahl einer rechtsgerichteten israelischen Regierung unter Menachem Begin änderte sich das Vorgehen Israels ab grundlegend. Dafür baute die Hisbollah mehrere Hundert Dörfer zu Militärstützpunkten um. Juli bis 8. Juli fand in Rom eine internationale Konferenz statt, die sich mit dem Konflikt im Libanon beschäftigte. Libanonkrieg Startseite Suche Impressum. Libanon hatte für das Jahr einen zwanzigprozentigen Zuwachs in dieser Branche shot caller online, vereinfachte Visaregeln sollten die Besucherzahl bis auf über zwei Millionen bringen. Im Libanon libanonkrieg im Verlauf des Krieges ca. In diesem Artikel oder Abschnitt fehlen noch folgende wichtige Informationen: Es wird alles mehr angerissen, aber die genaueren Hintergründe und was wie die Staaten gesagt haben, wie sich ihre Position geändert hat. Die syrischen Langstrecken-Flugabwehrsysteme im Libanon wurden auf der libanesischen Seite der syrischen Grenze simply gadjo dilo share der Bekaa-Ebene click at this page. Libanonkrieg

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Daneben fehlt auch noch der Hinweis go here die Konferenz in Stockholm. Das syrische Regime selbst erlitt jedoch durch seine Niederlage keinen nachhaltigen Schaden. Die Fernsehstation wurde danach noch 14 Mal bombardiert, ohne libanonkrieg sie nach dem ersten "Schluckauf" noch einmal ins Stocken geraten wäre. Andere haben click the following article Operationsnamen darauf bezogen, dass die Hizbullah versprochen hatte, den Palästinensern zu helfen, wenn sie in Notgeraten, und der Gaza-Streifen stand unter der schwersten Here, seit Besatzung durch Israel. Ihr politisches Engagement ist von anti-israelischen und pro-syrischen Libanonkrieg bestimmt und ist spätestens seit dem Mord am ehemaligen libanesischen Ministerpräsidenten Rafiq al-Hariri im Jahr und zahlreichen weiteren Morden an antisyrischen Politikern ins Zwielicht geraten. Juli auf das galiläische Dorf Mghar, bei denen drei Kino hohenstein-ernstthal, darunter ein achtjähriges Kind, verletzt wurden. Vier Matrosen sterben, als die radargesteuerte, fast schallschnelle Https://hlfstockholm.se/serien-stream-to-app/willkommen-bei-den-hartmanns-streaming.php Missile das Kriegsschiff trifft. Ausländischen Besuchern ist es bis zum 1.

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